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America First, Allies Last: Trump’s Transformation of US Foreign Policy

Trump’s presidency focused on domestic priorities, sidelining global expectations and appealing directly to American middle-class voters.

 


During Trump’s term, the US shifted towards populist, domestically centered policies under the banner of “America First,” prioritizing American middle-class concerns over its global leadership role. His focus on domestic economic gains contrasted sharply with expectations from allies seeking a steadying US presence on the world stage. Trump’s policies, which included support for isolationist and divisive stances abroad, reshaped America’s foreign policy to align more with conservative American interests, leading to strained global alliances.

The President of the United States is traditionally someone who commands respect, whose years of experience, accomplishments, and past decisions instill confidence in the public. But Trump could not be that president.

Trump is not this figure. During his first term, he shifted the US away from its superpower status with populist actions. His guiding principle? “America First.” Following this motto, he built a wall to block cheap labor from Mexico, imposed a 100% tariff on imports from China, and told NATO’s European members, “Either increase your defense spending or become Putin’s prey.” At a glance, these moves painted a picture of a leader prioritizing his country’s interests. But these measures primarily appealed to the American middle class—a group facing rising prices and stagnant wages, tuning into nightly news for some relief. Meanwhile, the rest of the world, particularly after the collapse of the Soviet Union, looked to the US as a stabilizing force. That world felt let down during Trump’s four years.

Yet the US president is not chosen by global opinion but by the American middle-income voters—a conservative demographic often focused on domestic issues, especially in small towns. In 2016, they cast their ballots not with a global perspective but with an eye on their own economic concerns.

Whether or not Trump had governmental experience or a loyal team of seasoned advisors was irrelevant in 2016 and remains so. Trump retained the Bush-era team, known for upheavals from Afghanistan to Libya. Today, he’ll likely keep the same team that challenged Biden and played a key role in Kamala Harris’s defeat while staunchly backing Israel.

Trump’s understanding with the “deep state” remains intact: he doesn’t interfere in global affairs if they leave his domestic policies on jobs, economy, and immigration untouched.

He did try to break this arrangement by ordering the withdrawal of US troops from Afghanistan and Iraq in 2020, which led to mass resignations, including the Secretary of Defense and other senior officials. As a result, the status quo endures: US support for Israel, policies impacting millions in Iran and neighboring countries, and the establishment of forces dividing Iraq and Syria. Middle-income American voters have largely been indifferent to these issues.

If you recall, no US president had formally endorsed Israel’s occupation of Palestinian territories—until Trump. He approved Israel’s policy and moved the US embassy to Jerusalem, which lies in occupied Palestine, not recognized Israeli territory.

The feared January 6th-style upheaval over a narrow Trump loss didn’t happen this time. Now, American experts will calmly reflect on why Kamala Harris lost. Yet Israel, the US lobby, and the Neocon backers will continue their Middle East agendas.

With Trump possibly achieving a “Super Victory”—holding the presidency with a congressional majority—he may now push policies both domestically and internationally with fewer restraints. While chaos didn’t erupt in the United States, it may well be shifting elsewhere.

 

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About the author

Hakki Ocal

Hakki Ocal

Hakkı Öcal is a columnist at both Daily Sabah and Milliyet newspapers, which are based in Istanbul. He is also an advisor to the President of Ibn Haldun University.

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